Migrant hub western Odisha voted for change, shows BJP overthrow of BJD strongholds

Western Odisha, historically known as a hub of migration, has voted decisively for change in the recent assembly elections. Despite the campaign season being dominated by issues that largely ignored the region’s significant concerns, the electorate’s dissatisfaction with the ruling Biju Janata Dal (BJD) was palpable. This discontent was dramatically underscored by the former Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik’s defeat in the Kantabanji assembly seat.

Patnaik’s decision to contest from the Kantabanji segment under the Balangir Parliamentary constituency stemmed from the need to boost the morale of BJD party workers and influence voters in western Odisha, where the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) popularity was growing. However, the strategy backfired and the former CM lost the seat by a margin of 16,321 votes to Laxman Bag, who used to work as a daily wage labourer. 

The disenchantment with BJD extended beyond Kantabanji; it was evident throughout the region. BJP captured five out of seven Assembly seats this time.

The final data on voter turnout, as published by the Election Commission of India, shows that in Kantabanji, the voter turnout was 73.42 per cent, about 5 per cent higher than in the 2019 elections. “More turnout means there will be a change,” said a hotelier in Kantabanji on the day of the counting. 

“Voters preferred Laxman Bag as the change, who was a registered labour contractor in the past,” said Advocate Bishnu Sharma of Kantabanji, who had predicted his win from the day of nomination. “The wave against Patnaik in Odisha was not very visible, but he was destined to lose the Kantabanji seat as people started discussing from the beginning that he was an ‘out of reach person.’”

But many factors played a role in helping Bag secure the seat, said Sharma. “There was a wave of sympathy in his favour because he had lost the previous election by only 128 votes. Further, the appointment of chief election strategist VK Pandian, considered an outsider, to manage the campaign bypassing local leaders was also frowned upon,” he said.

Under Pandian’s handling of the campaign, officials gained prominence, forcing local party workers to withdraw. The silent support of the Congress to BJD in the constituency also forced Congress cadres to switch sides to BJP, said Sharma. 

In Kalahandi PC, BJD retained five out of the seven seats, losing one each to BJP and Indian National Congress in the Dharmagarh and Bhawanipatna assembly segments, respectively. However, the margin of victory in all constituencies was less than 10,000. In the Junagarh segment, where a former BJD Minister contested, the margin of victory was as low as 1,338.

“There were many issues that could have been addressed as part of the campaign manifesto during the election, but none of the candidates took them seriously,” said Sanjay Tiwari, a farmer.

“What about the migrants’ issues? None of the candidates will accept that the workforce from our area migrates under distress conditions. They argue that the labourers go out because they get better opportunities. Yes, they are right because when there is no alternative here, whatever they get in other states is better for them,” Tiwari added. 

Minimum support price (MSP) was another major issue. “BJP assured during the campaign that they would give a bonus of Rs 1,000 per quintal of paddy over and above the MSP to farmers if they come to power. BJD tried to neutralise this by asking why BJP didn’t implement the MS Swaminathan committee recommendations, but as the party didn’t make any commitment on this issue, it created dissatisfaction among the farmers,” he said.

Although BJP didn’t talk of implementing the Swaminathan committee recommendations, it will be a great succour if they keep their promise of the bonus, Tiwari added.

Migration does not appear to be a priority for any political party, despite the fact that it is a major issue in some Western Odisha districts. The official data on migration is always downplayed – not even 10% of the total migration is recorded. 

“What happens to us in an alien land is sometimes documented in the media, but our fates remain the same,” said Dasaru Lohar of Rundi village in Nuapada district, who says he was unable to vote this time because he is still working in a brick kiln in Karnataka. The landless migrant worker said it doesn’t matter who gets elected as his homeless and landless conditions never seem to change. 

Dasaru does not have a homestead or a proper dwelling place in the village, so his wife Sulochana stays with her parents in Timanpur village during his absence. Pooja, his 13-year-old daughter, has mental health issues.  He took her to the brick kiln in November 2023, but had to send her back because she became ill three months earlier with some other villagers. 

Unfortunately, she became disoriented on her way back and was discovered by Railway Police at Kalaburagi’s City Station. The family has yet to be included in the rural housing scheme Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana-Gramin and the child has not yet been issued a certificate of mental retardation, which would have allowed her to receive a pension. 

Lakhs of migrant workers in Nuapada, Bolangir and Kalahandi districts have stories to tell about being humiliated, cheated and tortured. They all want regular employment and a reasonable wage, but it has always been a wild goose chase for them.

There are a few other issues that, according to voters, are always unaddressed, such as the concerns of displaced persons in the Suktel and Lower Indra irrigation projects, the lack of better health facilities in local hospitals, the failure of the crop insurance scheme, chit fund issues, etc.

All of this never came up during the election, but it remained with voters as silent killers of vote shares in specific pockets. BJD’s grassroots agencies, such as Mission Sakti and self help groups (SHG), worked tirelessly but produced no results.

BJD declared a waiver of electricity dues up to 100 units, which may have swayed some voters, but it did not win over farmers, who believe that agriculture should have free electricity. Hundreds of lift irrigation points in all of these districts are inoperable due to unpaid electricity bills and a lack of maintenance.

“The political parties reduced voters to mere beneficiaries of government schemes and programmes, forcing them to vote for the party that provided the most benefits (BJD beneficiaries vs BJP ones). BJD beneficiaries were more visible, but election results show that the majority of them shifted to BJP’s side,” said Tiwari. 

BJD’s strategy of wooing women by empowering women SHGs, distributing money through them and so on failed in many constituencies, according to Tiwari. 

BJP fought aggressively on a few non-issues in Odisha — Modi wave, Ayodhya Ram temple and the question of Odia asmita (pride) by targeting Patnaik’s blue-eyed boy Pandian. But more than these, what worked was anti-incumbency against BJD’s 25 years of rule and Pandian’s supremacy, pointed out several political observers and government officers.